A Working-Class Brexit

I woke up Friday morning to the news that my country decided that it no longer wants to be part of the European Union. With a large turnout of 72% of the eligible electorate, the vote went 51.9% in favour of leaving against 48.1% for remaining – 17.4 million against 16.1 million, in case you wondered. As a result, the clock has begun to tick down on 43 years of British EU membership, creating huge levels of uncertainty. This morning the pound sterling lost 10% of its value against the dollar – the biggest one day decline since 1985 – and a massive £200 billion was wiped off the stock market.

But what was behind this result, which seemed until the eve of poll to be heading towards remaining in the EU? Class was one of the biggest factors. Let me explain. Early analysis of the results shows that if you had a college degree or were young, you were more likely to vote to remain. Geographically, England and Wales voted for Brexit, except for London. Scotland, however, voted overwhelmingly to remain, opening up a very real prospect of another independence referendum and the disintegration of the UK. Many places in England and Wales outside London, often but not exclusively Labour Party traditional heartlands, were amongst the strongest supporters of leaving. This seems to have resulted from a cocktail of resentments against ‘them’, the ‘elite’, the ‘establishment’ or simply the ‘experts’. This resentment has been simmering in these Labour heartlands for decades and predates the banking crash of 2008. Resignation, despair, and political apathy have been present in many former industrial regions since the wholesale deindustrialisation of the British economy in the 1980s and 1990. The election of the Blair -led Labour administration of 1997 masked the anger felt in these areas as traditional labour supporters and their needs were often ignored, while traditional Labour supporters were used as voting fodder. Over the thirteen years of Labour power, that support ebbed away, first as a simple decline in votes, but gradually turning into active hostility to the Labour party. Many embraced the UK Independence Party (UKIP).

This opposition, so skillfully drawn on by the leave campaign, is in part a working class reaction not only to six years of austerity but also to a long and deep seated sense of injustice and marginalisation. Most of the remain side, which was a cross party grouping, didn’t seem to understand this before the referendum and, even more depressingly, doesn’t seem to understand it fully now. A stock characterisation of working-class people who intended to vote leave was to label them as unable understanding the issues, easily manipulated, or worse, racist ‘little Englanders’.

A number of commentators have understood the class resentment underlying the referendum. In his thoughtful video blogs preceding the vote, Guardian journalist John Harris travelled away from the ‘Westminster village’ to the more marginal, often over looked parts of the UK. What he observed was precisely this class demographic of voting intentions, people who were in effect members of what sociologist Guy Standing has called the precariat. Fellow Guardian columnist Ian Jack wrote a similarly powerfully reflective piece linking the working-class vote with deindustrialisation. Both Harris and Jack emphasize the point that for unskilled workers with only a secondary school education, three decades or more of neo-liberalism has left deep scars socially, politically, and culturally, with little hope or expectation that anything would change for the better. In a vox pop radio interview the day before the referendum, a person stopped for their views simply said, ‘The working class is going to get screwed whether we stay or leave, so we might as well leave’.

This sense of ‘them’ versus ‘us’ was heightened by the long line of establishment figures from the world of politics, business, and finance who were trotted out to warn the voters that Brexit would mean Armageddon. Far from helping the remain side, these interventions from the likes of Christine Lagarde, managing director of the International Monetary Fund, Bank of England Governor Mark Carney, and even President Obama merely exaggerated the distance between working-class voters and those who wanted them to vote to remain. Speaking after the official result was announced, UKIP leader Nigel Farage explicitly used the language of class in his celebratory speech, saying that this was a vote of ‘Real people, ordinary people, decent people against the big merchant banks, big business and big politics’.

Many on the progressive left have seen this Brexit result coming and have linked it to a far wider set of issues than those of the immediate problems of the EU. In a video blog two days before polling, Owen Jones linked the marginalisation and alienation felt by many working-class voters and support for populists like Donald Trump, Bernie Sanders, and other non-mainstream political movements in Europe. What this all points to is a real rejection of the hegemony of what veteran left-winger Tariq Ali has called the ‘extreme centre’ that has promoted globalisation and neo-liberalism. In the narrative of the extreme centre, there is no place for those left behind, damaged by the collapse of industries and forced to face the brunt of never ending austerity. Faced with what are viewed as out of touch elites telling an angry electorate that they must vote to remain, there is little wonder that many working-class people opted to vote out. It’s hard to predict what will happen next, over the short, medium, and long term. But one thing is clear: class will play a big role.

Tim Strangleman

This entry was posted in Contributors, Issues, The Working Class and the Economy, Tim Strangleman, Working-Class Politics and tagged , . Bookmark the permalink.

7 Responses to A Working-Class Brexit

  1. Pingback: The Oppositional Politics of Race and Class in the Brexit Debate | Working-Class Perspectives

  2. Mark James says:

    I am a branch officer of Unite the Union South Yorkshire Community branch who campaigned , as did my Union, for remain. As I type I am sitting on the fault line of the brexit debate. To the west lies the affluent suburbs of Sheffield where there has been much howling and gnashing about losing the vote. To the east lies the working class parts of the city and the wider de- industrialised county of South Yorkshire which voted , with much anger , to leave. The two sides are glaring at each other through the fractures of English society, or so we are told. On one side the educated, liberal progressives, on the other the people who do not know any better; at least according to the likes of the guardian. This is dangerous myth. Most of our members live precarious lives, some are on the dole, some work in fast food joints, some at local universities. You would be hard pushed to tell the difference between the budding academic and the burger flipper, sometimes they are the same person. Through Unites work we can overcome the social distance that may separate the two communities.The struggle over housing is an obvious example. We can build solidarity across imagined boundaries to fight racism and the rise of the populist right
    . It is not that long since many academics argued that the working class had gone. Now the working class are back with a vengeance as an agent of reaction. Both ideas are myths generated by the gap between most academic social science, metropolitan journalism and the reality on the ground.
    There is now a crisis in the UK that is acute.The party of the working class, Labour, is in turmoil.yet in all the chaos there is hope. The radical left in the UK , which sat either side of the Brexit debate has re- unified.we had a large meeting of the Momentum faction of Labour in Sheffield this week. Other cities have seen similar events.The Labour right may have overcooked it. ” A lynch mob without a noose” indeed.
    We will continue to fight for our communities, fight racism and fight against those who sneer at our unwillingness to be cowed by the establishment.

    Liked by 1 person

  3. Simon Garnett says:

    Dear Tim,
    Brexit will detriment the working class and employees: see the whole range of European labour rights and protections that we have lost. Not less but more deregulation of labour will be the result. EU disinvestment will impact negatively on working class communities. So who does the fault lie with? A Labour Party incapable of mobilizing support and awareness on key issues of working class interest, or a working class that has abandoned socialism and become predominantly rightwing? Working people may indeed have lost out, but surely the key issue is the political reaction to that loss. The working class has sold itself short.


  4. As an American I see similar voting patterns growing in this country. I would ask is the “working class” here and in Britain actually voting contrary to their best interests. Globalization is a reality not a political concept. “Working class” people particularly older displaced workers are probably not going to see factories and such reopening. Those jobs are gone to other countries for various reasons. Our leaders have not sought a means to provide the security these workers processed earlier in their working careers. The reinforcement of misconceptions, trying to fix blame and point fingers only confuses the situation. When people hold false hope for a return to some perceived point in time then the outcome may be leaders like Mr. Trump or perhaps a Mr. Johnson. People can deal with the truth, our leaders need to try providing possible solutions not inflammatory rhetoric.


  5. Alan Harrison says:

    Much to agree with here, Tim, so please forgive me for beginning with a small correction. It’s not just London in England. With one notable exception – Birmingham – the other “big” cities (Manchester, Leeds, Liverpool) – have voted remain. In London, many of the strongly working-class areas of the East End voted Leave, as did the westernmost borough of Hillingdon, where Boris Johnson is one of the MPs. I used to live there when I worked at Brune University.

    When redundancy forced early retirement upon me, I returned to my native Walsall, and live in the Walsall North constituency, which has, I believe, the second lowest proportion of graduates in the country. I gradually began to realise that while I thought nobody could possible believe the bullshit spouted by Farage and Johnson, many of my neighbours DID believe it. I’m sure your analysis is right. The kids who left primary school with me in 1958 – the boys at least – who went to secondary modern schools, could get decent unionised manual jobs. Over their career – when you consider the time I took blagging three degrees out of various universities, they, starting to earn at 15, probably made similar career earnings to me. Those jobs aren’t there now.


  6. Kathy M. Newman says:

    Tim I was hoping you would write about this. Thanks for your insights!


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